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(fwd) En;EZLN;Communique from EZLN,Marcos (El Bosque),Jun 13
(fwd) En;Irlandesa,Chiapas News Synthesis June 1-7,Jun 17
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From: [email protected]
Date: Sat, 17 Jun 2000 17:01:56 -0400
Subject: Communique from EZLN,Marcos (El Bosque),Jun 13, 2000
Date: Sat, 17 Jun 2000 00:24:21 -0500 (CDT)
To: [email protected]
From: [email protected] (Chiapas95)
Reply-To: [email protected]
Subject: En;EZLN;Communique from EZLN,Marcos (El Bosque),Jun 13
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Date: Fri, 16 Jun 2000 07:15:39 -0400
From: irlandesa <[email protected]>
Subject: CCRI-CG communique concerning El Bosque incident
Sender: irlandesa <[email protected]>
To: chiapas-l <[email protected]>
Originally published in Spanish by the EZLN
_________________________
Translated by irlandesa
Communique' from the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee -
General Command of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation
Mexico.
June 13, 2000.
To the People of Mexico:
To the Peoples and Governments of the World:
Brothers and Sisters:
Regarding the incident which took place in the municipality of El Bosque,
Chiapas, in which 7 Public Security police officers died, the EZLN
declares:
First. - According to the information, the attack was carried out using
the tactics of drug traffickers, paramilitaries or soldiers. The use of
the "coup de grace" is frequent among these armed groups. The attack took
place in an area that is full of government troops (army and police), where
it is very difficult for an armed group to be mobilized without being
detected and without the complicity of the authorities. The group of
assailants had privileged information concerning the movements and number
of the ambushed persons. This information could only have been obtained by
government persons or by those close to them.
Second. - The EZLN is investigating, in order to clarify the identity and
motives of the group of assailants. Everything points to those persons who
carried out the attack having been from the government (or under the
auspices of the government), since they would thus have a pretext for
increasing militarization in Chiapas, and for justifying an attack against
zapatista communities or against the EZLN. It should be noted that this
incident will increase the climate of instability which the official
candidate has threatened will prevail if he does not win.
Third. - Clear provocation or not, this violent incident is still an
argument for increasing the military presence throughout the state, even in
areas which are very far from the scene of the attack. Over the last few
hours, government barracks have been more heavily reinforced in Guadalupe
Tepeyac in Las Margaritas, Cuxulja' in Ocosingo, Cate' in El Bosque, the
municipal seats of Simojovel and El Bosque. Similarly, the number of
artillery aircraft, and their low overflights in Los Altos, Selva and
Northern areas, have also increased.
Fourth. - The EZLN denies any responsibility for this act, and calls on
the public to not allow themselves to be deceived. As we have more
information, we will release it publicly.
Democracy!
Liberty!
Justice!
>From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast.
By the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee -
General Command of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation.
Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos.
Mexico, June of 2000.
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From: [email protected]
Date: Sat, 17 Jun 2000 17:04:10 -0400
Subject: EZLN warns of possible army offensive following July 2 elections + more
Date: Sat, 17 Jun 2000 14:45:56 -0500 (CDT)
To: [email protected]
From: [email protected] (Chiapas95)
Reply-To: [email protected]
Subject:
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From: "Mexico Solidarity Network" <[email protected]>
To: <[email protected]>
Date: Tue, 13 Jun 2000 13:04:32 -0500
Subject: [Chiapas-l] Weekly News Summary: June 1-7 2000
Sender: [email protected]
WEEKLY NEWS SUMMARY
JUNE 1-7 2000
CONTENTS:
1. EZLN warns of possible army offensive following July 2 elections
2. Campaign 2000: Labastida causes market scare; Fox declares himself
"President-Elect"
3. Remaining student prisoners freed on bail
4. Briefs
EZLN: ARMY ATTACK LIKELY AFTER ELECTIONS
The Chiapas-based Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) warned in a
communique this week that the federal government may be planning a military
offensive against the Zapatista Army and its civilian communities shortly
before or in the months following the July 2 presidential elections.
Signed by Comandante David and Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, the
communique was addressed to the participants of the National Encounter of
Civil Society for Peace and Against the Militarization in Mexico, scheduled
for June 9 and 10 in Mexico City. The letter asks for Mexican society and
the political elite to be reminded, as the July 2 elections approach, that
"there cannot be democracy while there is war, and that democracy is only
possible when there is peace with dignity."
"In our lands," continues the letter, "the government's war against the
Indian peoples continues its course, although it may be hidden somewhat by
the electoral process. The machinery of the Mexican State is mobilized in
Chiapas in two ways: in order to ensure the imposition of the new
"warlord," Francisco Labastida Ochoa; and to prepare for a significant
military-police action against the EZLN. Rumors are floating around high
levels of government of an agreement between Labastida and Zedillo. In the
case that the PRI achieves its objective of imposing another six years of
nightmares for the Mexican people, in exchange for covering the back of he
who currently works at Los Pinos [the presidential mansion], the official
candidate has received guarantees that he "will not inherit" the conflict
in Chiapas. And thus the plans are being made for the "definitive" (a word
much adored by Zedillo) government offensive to take place after the July 2
electoral process and before the inauguration of the new "president," in
the case that the PRI manages to keep itself in power. Nevertheless, faced
with the possibility of defeat, sectors within the PRI are contemplating
the possibility of that offensive being carried out before the elections,
in the hope of repairing the catastrophic campaign of Labastida."
The federal government responded to the EZLN's communique with a series of
statements from different officials denying that the rebel worries
constitute anything but a "fantasy." The government's coordinator for the
nonexistant dialogue in Chiapas, Emilio Rabasa, stated that there was not a
situation of war in Chiapas, but rather "a situation of political conflict,
with an armed group that has declared war on the Mexican Army and
government." Therefore, continued Rabasa, "there has to be an army
presence in order to contain actions which could put civilian sectors in
jeapordy."
The commander of the 31st Military Zone in Chiapas, meanwhile - Carlos
Enrique Adam Yabur - insisted there was no military incursion being planned
against the EZLN, and that the Zapatistas' statements "are just a fantasy
to make people worry."
The office of the Attorney General (PGR) added that the military-police
incursions currently being carried out in the Chiapas highlands "are
exclusively to combat drugs and not to intimidate or repress the
population." And Francisco Labastida himself replied to the accusations of
an "agreement" with President Zedillo whereby the former would not "inherit
the conflict" only by saying "that is totally false."
But concerns about the increasing militarization in the so-called "conflict
zone" of Chiapas were echoed this week by Jose' Luis Soberanes, president of
the official National Human Rights Commission (CNDH); Felipe Arizmendi, the
new bishop of San Cristo'bal de las Casas; Emilio Zebadu'a, a councilor of
the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE); and Gilberto Lo'pez y Rivas, federal
deputy and member of the legislative Commission on Concordance and
Pacification in Chiapas (COCOPA).
While addressing the issue of human rights in the state of Guerrero,
ombudsman Jose' Luis Soberanes commented on the militarization in that
state, as well as in the other southeastern states of Oaxaca and
Chiapas. "The Army does not have any reason to carry out police
functions," he stated, and added that the military presence in those three
states should be "reduced."
Lo'pez y Rivas called for an "urgent" meeting of the COCOPA to address the
situation expounded in the EZLN's communique, suggesting the rebel group's
concerns were justified. "The government's strategy is very clear," he
said. "During Zedillo's presidency the militarization has advanced in the
conflict zone to the point where the General Command of the EZLN is
pratically surrounded and under siege. This was verified by a group of PRD
legislators and representatives of civil society in a trip we made through
the Jungle, North, and Highlands regions of the state last April."
Bishop Arizmendi, for his part, met with Interior Minister Dio'doro Carrasco
and relayed "complaints against the excessive militarization in
Chiapas." He later expressed his "hope" that government troops will not
attack the EZLN, "because we all desire that peaceful paths will continue
to be followed in search of a solution to the problems which exist in
Chiapas."
And Emilio Zebadu'a, electoral councilor of the Federal Electoral Institute
(IFE) - the agency in charge of organizing the July 2 presidential
elections - declared that "the soldiers should be confined to their
barracks and withdrawn from the communities and roads of Chiapas" during
the upcoming electoral process, as the militarization of the state can only
be detrimental to the realization of free and fair elections.
Meanwhile, authorities of the autonomous municipalities of Ricardo Flores
Mago'n, 17 de Noviembre, and San Manuel denounced this week that twelve
communities inhabited by Zapatista bases of support in the Montes Azules
bioreserve are threatened with imminent expulsion by joint forces of the
Federal Preventative Police (PFP) and the Federal Army. It is feared that
the expulsion of indigenous communities in the bioreserve - located to the
east of what is generally considered the stronghold of EZLN support - will
lead to the completion of the military encirclement around the EZLN and its
base communities, and thus be the final step before an offensive against
the rebels.
CAMPAIGN 2000: LABASTIDA'S THREATS SEND MARKETS, PESO REELING
In a campaign speech on June 5, the presidential candidate for the ruling
PRI party, Francisco Labastida Ochoa, predicted a "clear and transparent"
victory for the PRI in the July 2 elections. In the same speech, Labastida
declared that "if we do not win by a wide margin, we will have, as a
result, problems in the country, demostrations and disturbances which can
affect the development of Mexico."
The following day, in what economic analysts claimed was a knee-jerk
reaction to Labastida's declarations, the Mexican peso dropped more than 2
percent - losing 19.75 centavos to the dollar, reaching its lowest value in
more than a year - and the Mexican stock market registered a fall of 4.64%.
The falls corresponded with a drop in the Mexican international monetary
reserves of 813 million dollars in a one week period, although the Bank of
Mexico claims the loss of reserves was unrelated to the current election
campaign and investor worries of instability.
In other campaign news this week, PAN and Alliance for Change candidate
Vicente Fox Quesada began taking out full page advertisements in national
newspapers declaring himself "President-Elect." In speeches and other
advertisements, he expanded this strategy of
"vote-for-me-because-I've-already-won," citing a seemingly endless list of
polls which place him in the lead over Labastida (by between 4 and 7
points) and PRD/Alliance for Mexico candidate Cuauhte'moc Ca'rdenas (by
between 25 and 38 points).
Fox also used his advantage in the polls to call on supporters of
Cuauhte'moc Ca'rdenas to defect to his campaign: "We must recognize the
struggles for democracy which have been waged by Cuauhte'moc Ca'rdenas
Solo'rzano," said Fox to a crowd in the state of Baja California Sur, "but
we are also obligated to be realistic, to recognize that he has no chance
to reach the presidency....Therefore, I call on the PRD militants of the
state of Baja California Sur and across the country to join us in a unitary
opposition vote."
In Durango a short while later, Fox also called on his supporters to
mobilize in case of fraud, and to "defend your votes with your lives, if
necessary."
Meanwhile, PRD candidate Ca'rdenas responded by accusing Fox of being a
candidate without principles: "It seems that the only thing which interests
Vicente Fox is winning the election, but we don't know why, since his
closest collaborators, those who write his speeches and create his
television ads, are declaring that this election is not about principles or
commitments, but only about winning votes....Mexico cannot have a president
whose mouth and tongue are moved by others and who has no ideas, no
commitments, and no principles for the nation."
In another speech, Ca'rdenas declared that Fox "has unleashed a war of polls
with the intent of tricking the population and making everyone think he has
already won the election." Ca'rdenas added that most polls being cited by
the candidates are not carried out with scientific rigor, and "one day put
Labastida ahead of Fox and the next day put Fox ahead of Labastida...such
that we don't know if they are really polls or simply figures scribbled on
paper to try and influence electoral opinon."
Ca'rdenas' statement was a veiled reference to the second presidential
debate, in which Fox scored points with public opinion by suddenly
producing, in a sealed envelope, the "secret codes" of the PAN to access a
disk which contains the names of all the individuals and corporations who
were involved in the Fobaproa savings and loan scandal - a scandal which
involved a bailout of hundreds of wealthy Mexicans through the conversion
of their private debts (some of which were illegal) into a public debt
worth nearly 91 billion dollars. The identities of those involved were not
made public, but rather kept on a guarded diskette which can only be
accessed with a series of codes, each one in the possession of a different
political party. Fox's envelope - given to journalist Ricardo Rocha - thus
supposedly contained the PAN's code, and Fox demanded that the PRI and the
PRD hand their codes over as well (the PRD did; the PRI did not). But
after the debate, it was discovered that Fox's "revelation" contained only
scribbled, illegible handwriting.
Meanwhile, a list of names of some of those who benefitted from the
Fopabroa scandal was released to the press anyway this week by PRD
representative Pablo Go'mez. The list, which includes 747 names - but often
only last names - includes those of the families of Vicente Fox Quesada and
Francisco Labastida Ochoa.
UNAM: REMAINING STUDENT PRISONERS FREED ON BAIL
The last six members of the General Strike Council (CGH) imprisoned for
their participation in last year's student-led strike at the National
Autonomous University of Mexico were released on bail on June 7, four
months and one day after the college campus was occupied by forces of the
Federal Preventative Police (PFP).
Those released from the Reclusorio Norte federal penitentiary were Alberto
Pacheco Gui'zar, Jorge Marti'nez Valero, Guadalupe Carrasco Licea, Mario
Flavio Beni'tez, Alejandro Echevarri'a, and Leticia Contreras.
The action came after the judge presiding over their cases, Juan Rami'rez
Di'az, dropped all remaining "grave" charges against the students, thus
granting them the legal right to "conditional" liberty.
The fact that no students of the CGH are currently in jail does not mean
all charges against them have been dropped. Although the previous
accusations of terrorism and rioting are no longer in effect, charges were
ratified this week against 57 students for "violent dispossession of
property." Many others are also only free on bail as their cases progress,
and must return to the Reclusorio once a week to "sign in" at the prison.
NEWS IN BRIEF
- A new report issued this week by the Mexican Academy of Human Rights
identifies fifteen paramilitary groups currently operating with impunity in
Chiapas. Of these, ten are "clearly identified as paramilitary"
organizations, whereas five are composed of organized "civilians" who carry
arms. The ten paramilitary organizations are listed as: Desarrollo, Paz y
Justicia; Los Chinchulines; Movimiento Indi'gena Revolucionario
Anti-Zapatista (MIRA); Ma'scara Roja; Alianza San Bartolome' de los Llanos;
Los Quintos; Los Pu~ales; Los Aguilares; Organizacio'n Campesina Obrera
Popular de Chiapas (OCOPCh); and Los Tomates. The remaining, smaller
groups are: Los Pla'tanos; Los Chentes; Los Carrancistas; Frente Civil; and
the Organizacio'n Clandestina Revolucionaria.
- The president of the National Association of Exporters and Importers of
the Mexican Republic (ANIERM), Fernando Correa Mota, announced in an
interview with the La Jornada newspaper this week that only 30,000 Mexican
businesses - just one percent of the total - participate in international
trade and are thus in a position to benefit from globalization and free
trade agreements. Of these, according to Correa, half are maquiladoras;
and of the rest, 70% are actually multinational corporations.
- June 7 marked the second anniversary of the massacre of El Charco,
Guerrero, in which Federal Army troops attacked a schoolhouse where
guerrillas from the Insurgent People's Revolutionary Army (ERPI) were
meeting with local civilians. The soldiers did not accept surrender, and
eleven people were murdered in the attack, some of them shot at point-blank
range. One of those killed was a student from the UNAM, Ricardo Zavala
Tapia, and this year a mass in his memory was held in the Mexico City
Cathedral on the anniversary of his death.
_________________________________________________________________
SOURCES: La Jornada, El Financiero, Proceso, El Universal, El Excelsior.
This news summary is a product of the Mexico Solidarity Network.
Redistribution is authorized and encouraged provided that the source is
cited.
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