Felix Stalder on Tue, 13 Nov 2018 16:01:38 +0100 (CET) |
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<nettime> Brazil: staring into the abyss |
I just spent ten days in the city and region of Sao Paulo, talking mainly to artists, academics, activist associated with right-to-the-city and indigenous movements. This is the limited impression I got from this. Please correct, add, deepen it with more substantial information and knowledge. The mood is, little surprise, very dark. Everyone expects heavy waves of repression coming down, leading to the destruction of entire sectors of the society and the environment. The signs are everywhere, not just Bolsonaro's rhetoric during the election campaign, but all levels of society are already shifting. On the legal front, major social movement, such as the Landless Movement (MST) and indigenous movements have already been, or are on the cusp of being, declared terrorist organizations, removing what ever protection under the law existed and whatever restraints the security apparatus might have had before. The ministry of the environment will be integrated into the ministry of agriculture, the ministry of labor is supposed to be closed down. It's a Polyanian "disembedding" of labor and land. Street level violence is also picking up. Even in a relatively peaceful, well-to-do university town outside Sao Paulo, which still voted 70% Bolsonaro, a prominent gay performer was murdered in his home, within one week of the election. To the people I talked to, this was not a co-incidence. What makes the mood particularly dark is that most people still have memory of the previous dictatorship in Brazil, which lasted particularly long, 21 years, from 1964 to 1985. Memories of people suddenly disappearing, of repression and of stiffing cultural climate, are still fresh, at least for those who still have a sense of history, which is the minority. The coalition that brought Bolsonaro to power is mix of the old oligarchy, corporate interests set on privatization (which will likely happen at an extreme scale), middle classes who saw the Lula and Dilma presidency as a threat to their status by creating social mobility for workers and peasants, but not improving services for them. Also, there is a feeling of deep institutional rot, mainly in form of largest-scale corruption, which not only tarred the Workers Party, but all but wiped out the established right-wing parties. In addition, very real concerns with security and violent crime. And, I think very important, were the evangelical churches that promote an extremely conservative social agenda. They mobilized the masses and Bolsonaro's first TV interview after the election was on one of their channels About 30% of the electorate chose not to vote, even though it's mandatory, and this is interpreted as being mainly those who were against Bolsonaro but couldn't bring themselves to supporting a candidate from the Workers Party. A major aspect of the election campaign was that it was almost exclusively done over social media, Whatsapp in particular. There was a total absence of what one might call classic public discourse in which the different sides would have encountered each other directly. Bolsonaro is not an impressive figure, if you see him on TV, and he is prone to gaffs, so he refused any televised debates and the stabbing in early September played so much into his hand that quite a few are convinced that it was fake. The medium of choice was Whatsapp, mainly because it's pre-installed on most smart phone and can be accessed without a data plan. So, for many people, the Internet is Whatsapp and the "full internet" is for rich people. This reminds me of the "basic internet" that Facebook wanted to bring to India, that is free access to nothing but Facebook. While they didn't succeed in India, they succeeded in Brazil, by being much less upfront but working with the existing providers, basically subsidizing them for free access (if I understand this correctly). The Bolosonaro Campaign reportedly spent US 12 million on an extensive fake news campaign, claiming, among others, that his opponent, Haddad, has raped a child (he was a former minister of education). These messages, which were highly targeted, Cambridge Analytica style, to specific groups where spread in part by the social networks of the churches. It is also believed that the campaign obtained profiles and contact information from a Facebook hack, which was Facebook announced in mid September. But given the nature of Whatsapp, all of this is really hard to account for, only Facebook itself can trace the flow of messages through its network. But is another reminder what anti-democratic politics look like. Key to its success is the destruction of even the last vestiges of the public sphere. So, as corny as the televised presidential debates are, not having them makes things even worse. And I wouldn't be surprised if Trump refused them in the next election cycle as well. The ground work against the fake media has already been laid. There are tensions within the coalition that carried Bolsonaro. It's mainly around free trade. While Bolsonaro wants to tear down Mercosur, certain sectors of the industry want to keep it. It's not too dissimilar to Trumps stance on Nafta. And the solution might be the same. Make some cosmetic changes, give it a new name, and claim success while not really disturbing manufacturing and trade. Brazil, to state the obvious, is an extremely large and diverse country, whatever comes will be fought over hard and internal contradictions are abound in a country as unequal in all respects such as this. But there is no obvious silver lining in this, not the least because the development is part of a global trend, rather than a national outlier. -- |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| http://felix.openflows.com |OPEN PGP: https://pgp.key-server.io/search/0x0BBB5B950C9FF2AC
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