Scott McQuire on Wed, 21 Oct 1998 21:47:15 +0200 (MET DST) |
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<nettime> Pure Speed: From Transport to Teleport |
Pure Speed: From Transport to Teleport Scott McQuire We must try to find a form to express the new absolute Q speed Q which any true modern spirit cannot ignore Umberto Boccioni. Video isn't I see, it's I fly. Nam June Paik. In 1825, on a gentle twenty mile descent between Shildon and Stockton Quay, George StephensonUs Locomotion became the first steam train to haul passengers along a public railway. Wild scenes ensued as an excited band of riders accompanied it to its journeyUs end before a crowd of forty thousand. The twenty-one gun salute celebrating the achievement announced the emergence of a new era in which mechanically powered vehicles would finally sever traditional links between force and motion. Subsequent history has been so decisively shaped by this revolution that different incarnations of the engine Q steam, combustion, jet, rocket Q have been used to mark successive thresholds of a modern era which is itself characterized by perpetual movement. The train, the automobile and the aeroplane have completely modified all human relations to distance and speed, approaching a terminal point with rocketry in which the earth itself becomes merely a launching pad for potentially infinite ! journeys into endless space. If velocity has been at the heart of each of these revolutions, it is not only the increased speed each new wave of vehicles has achieved, but also the ascending rate at which they have transformed social and political relations. Over a century ago Marx noted the critical importance of rapid movement to the development of a global capitalist economy: [W]hile capital on one side must strive to tear down every spatial barrier to intercourse, i.e. to exchange, and conquer the whole earth for its market, it strives on the other side to annihilate this space with time, i.e. to reduce to a minimum the time spent in motion from one place to another. The more developed the capital, therefore, the more extensive the market over which it circulates, which forms the spatial orbit of its circulation, the more does it strive simultaneously for an even greater extension of the market and for greater annihilation of space with time.1 This trajectory underpins the emergence of speed as the prime quotient of modern social relations. When Marinetti proclaimed in his Futurist Manifesto of 1909 that 'Time and Space died yesterday. We already live in the absolute, because we have created eternal, omnipresent speed', he was voicing a desire which became a destiny for the new century.2 Modernization has become synonymous with acceleration across all areas of social life. Speed has been the mechanical soul of modernity; not only for the avant-gardes whose aspirations to burn the libraries and wreck the museums transformed art, but for entrepreneurs, inventors, adventurers and all the other apostles of progress who were captivated by the impulse to go faster and travel further, to dynamize life and propel it into the future Q by force if necessary. In the excitement generated by the opening of transcontinental railways and intercontinental sea-routes, and especially the unbounded public adulation of early aviators such as Bleriot and Lindbergh, we can read parables of the emergent culture of speed.3 Pleasure in the novelty of dynamic vehicles and pride in the 'conquest of the skies' converged with the immense possibilities for economic growth and colonial expansion that they created. Imperialism was the political corollary of modern dynamism: as Robinson, Gallagher and Denny observed: 'Expansion in all its modes not only seemed natural and necessary, but inevitable: it was preordained and irreproachably right. It was the spontaneous expression of an inherently dynamic society'.4 The rapid extension of 'the West' as a political and economic force in the nineteenth century, which laid the foundation for the systematization of world trade and the global division of labour in the twentieth, has been paralleled on the do! mestic front by the development of the distinct modern culture of auto-mobility: the Brownian motion of mass urban populations for whom the 'freedom to drive' has become a fundamental article of political faith.5 Under pressure of these new forms of circulation which mobilized people and products on regional, national and transnational circuits, the centres of lived existence have mutated in a process whose ends are still not clearly defined. Suspended between house and car dwells an antagonism internal to modern culture. A fault line stretches between the desire for home as a stable site, a secure space of shelter and enclosure, and the constant drift towards the frontier as a liminal space of perpetual transformation and potential conquest. Modern identity belongs neither in the home nor on the road, but is perpetually split by the psychic and social contradictions of its attachments to both these poles. * Despite constant acceleration throughout this century, and the technological attainment of speeds beyond human endurance, locomotive machines have themselves been overtaken by what Paul Virilio aptly termed 'the last vehicle': the audio-visual one.6 Following MarinettiUs tracks, Marshall McLuhan remains perhaps the most famed post-war prophet of the manner in which transport would be displaced by communication: During the mechanical ages we had extended our bodies in space. Today, after more than a century of electric technology, we have extended our central nervous system itself in a global embrace, abolishing space and time as far as our planet is concerned... As electrically contracted, the globe is no more than a village.7 If McLuhan's 'global village' was forever embedded in what could be called Q perhaps for the first time Q Tglobal consciousnessU with the Apollo moon landing telecast of July 20, 1969, the trajectory he indicated had been evident for some time.8 The advent of the telegraph in 1794 inaugurated the ability for messages to outpace messengers. By the nineteenth century, the expansion of telegraph services and the successive invention of the camera (1839), the telephone (1876), the phonograph (1877), the wireless radio (1894), and the cinematograph (1895) completely redefined the practice of TcommunicationU and the notion of 'proximity'. The dichotomy between being present in one place and therefore necessarily absent elsewhere began to waver, as physically separated sites of action were bridged and juxtaposed in new ways. Stephen Kern points to the spectacular blaze of publicity the wireless received in 1910 when it enabled the arrest of Dr. Hawley Crippen (a US physician accused of murdering his wife) while he was on board the ocean liner Montrose. But the new possibilities of Taction-at-a-distanceU went beyond merely extending traditional forms of social interaction and political authority; rather, they fundamentally changed the socio-political field itself. The instantaneous TliveU connection offered by the telephone (and then radio) provided the model that other media sought to emulate. When Charles Lindbergh set off on his epoch making trans-Atlantic flight in 1927, Fox-Movietone rush-released a four minute sound newsreel of his take-off to a packed cinema audience in New York's Roxy Theatre that same night.9 It received a standing ovation, a response worth recalling when the surpassing of such feats has become a part of daily life. Equally notable is the fact that similar examples are spread across what are usually posited as the great political divides of this period. The Soviet cine-train project led by Alexander Medvedkin in the 1930s (adapted from the civil war agit-trains) also strove to exhibit films the same day they were shot.10 In Nazi Germany, propaganda Minister Goebbels ordered the airlifting of footage from the battle front so that it could be included in the latest newsreels, while the finished products were then flown around the entire country so they could be released on the same day.11 All these examples may be read as attempts to establish film services which approach the speed of television. The desire for simultaneity, which coursed through modern sensibility at the beginning of the century, has transformed the social and political terrain, creating radical new TcommunitiesU dispersed in space but joined in time. What Paul Virilio has termed the displacement of geo-politics by chrono-politics situates the manner in which television has been able to present itself as the destiny and destination of modernity.12 Television hybridized the camera with radio to fuse vision and speed in a new way. Rapid seeing Q spanning distance without losing time Q has become the hallmark of modern perception, defined by the ubiquity of live broadcasts which enable vast audiences distributed across continents to see events happening outside the horizon of their own 'presence'. The fact that the appearance of broadcast television redefined the roles of all other media, including print, radio, photography, and cinema, only underlined the extent to which modernity is a speed driven culture, in which the relative velocity of different media vehicles determines their social utility. With television, photographic and cinematic images lose their edge and prove unable to keep up with demands for a rapid information flow. Finally, it is television and not the newspaper or newsreel which works around the clock.13 Where it once took military organization to deliver images and information at a speed which ensured that events did not outstrip communications, today it is the media who are on permanent war alert and events which cannot move fast enough. If the Gulf War was notable for the extent to which television cameras stalked each action and searched restlessly for the decisive event, an even more striking threshold (but destined, one suspects, to become banality itself) was the landing of US troops in Somalia in December 1992: by the time the marines arrived, the camera crews already had a beachhead, and were beaming the action live to domestic audiences over breakfast. The much prophesied creation of a single terrestrial zone of total visibility suddenly seemed very close: the world as global TV studio. Decades earlier, Heidegger had evoked the darker side of McLuhanUs Tglobal villageU by casting television as the force of a new tyranny: All distances in time and space are shrinking... The peak of this abolition of every possibility of remoteness is reached by television, which will soon pervade and dominate the whole machinery of communication... Yet this frantic abolition of all distances brings no nearness; for nearness does not consist of shortness of distance... despite all conquest of distances the nearness of things remains absent.14 'Nearness' is undoubtedly a complex and elusive quality. For Heidegger, it belonged to the essential distance which opens the dimensionality of 'true time'.15 For Benjamin (who was certainly no disciple of Heidegger), 'distance' was an essential attribute of aura, and, as is well known, it is precisely the decay of aura that he posits as the revolutionary effect of the camera. By allowing viewers to approach the previously unapproachable, Benjamin argued that the camera contributed to the displacement of 'cult value' in every sphere, bringing the secular disenchantment of the world to a new pitch.16 Yet, under the eye of Hollywood and global television, the political effects of this revolution have diverged from those Benjamin once envisaged.17 >From one man's first steps on the moon to a football match with an audience a billion strong, the entirety of the world and its beyond has been structured as the set of an ongoing spectacle. In his seminal analysis, Guy Debord argued that this seizure of the world as spectacle exceeds traditional questions of vision and representation, and points instead to the historic moment in which technologies of vision effectively penetrate the interstices of all social relations.18 For Debord, the primary characteristic of the spectacle is the pervasive commodification of time and space, manifested in the homogenization of territory and the domination of temporality by 'pseudo-cyclical rhythms' of consumption.19 Yet, the prospect of a completely unified and totally homogenized world has also produced counter-tendencies of conflict and contestation. Today, the imposition of global media empires is marked by the resurgence of cultural difference, and the re-assertion of claims of locality and regionalism, even the much discussed TcollapseU of universalizing theories. For this reason, it is important to recognize that, inasmuch as television provides an exemplary image of the capacity of communications technology to produce a 'global culture', it also offers an powerful metaphor for the disjunctive spatial and temporal experiences of the present. The confusion of near and far accentuated by television's drive for a global horizon engineers a new psychogeography in which locality and universality are no longer opposed but in series. Television often seems to upset something in our thinking: the fact that it so regularly slides to an extremity of thought (recalling Heidegger: 'the peak of the abolition of every possibility of remoteness') may yet constitute one of its most strategic attributes. * >From the first successful photographs of the moon taken in the 1840s to space age images of the earth seen as a solitary luminous orb suspended in a vast black universe Q perhaps the most long-awaited 'reverse shot' in history Q the camera has been instrumental in opening new vistas to the human eye.20 Images of the terrestrial surface seen from aeroplanes, or of whole continents seen from satellites, or of entire galaxies imaged via radio-photography are counterpointed by photomicrographs which penetrate the bounds of the discrete atom. The opacity of solid surfaces has dissolved before x-rays, while the shades of darkness are everywhere lifted by infra-red images and thermography. Even the integrity of the living body has been penetrated, as if from within, by endoscopy. Movement of all kinds has been decomposed beyond the threshold of the human eye, and the most transient phenomena, such as sub-atomic particles whose longevity lies at the edge of nothingness, can now be 'seen' by human observers. Contemporary techniques of 'ideography', using positron cameras to register the movement of air around the brain, once again raise the age old dream of submitting the psychic to the physical by rendering visible the TeventU of thought itself.21 In short, the bounds of the perceptible universe have been completely redefined. Yet to focus solely on this series of spectacular limit cases would be misleading. The cameraUs most profound effects on contemporary experiences of time and space are perhaps to be found in those perceptual shifts which have today become so prosaic that they pass almost unnoticed: the snapshot, the close-up, the moving-image, montage, the time-lapse sequence, the live broadcast, the instant replay. In what follows, I am most interested in the profound modulation of social rhythms, the reconstruction of living and working spaces, the emergence of new social relationships and the deployment of new forms of power in a world in which every site and situation is subject to potential incursion. The institutional forms different camera technologies have taken Q postcards, illustrated magazines and newspapers, domestic photography, cinema, broadcast television, and so on Q have been instrumental in the production of a network of functional spaces, new scenes of watching which are both sites of consumption and cells for surveillance. In the uncertainty generated by the cameraUs disjunctive effects on the authority of embodied perception, qualities of time and space long thought to be 'fundamental' are themselves shifting. In one sense, TmodernityU can be defined by this shift which affects both physical boundaries and psychic formations: the destabilization of architectural and geographical borders (the room, the nation) as much as the disruption of discursive traditions (the unity of the book, the universality of reason) are part of the crisis of referents and dimensions currently testing the limits of thought and experience. It is important to treat the emergent space-time of what is commonly called Tmedia cultureU as more than a distorted manifestation of some earlier, more 'genuine' social form. Ever since the invention of the telegraph, developments in transport and communication technologies Q from the railway and cinema to television and the space age Q have been hailed or condemned for engineering the 'disappearance' of space and time. Since so many pronouncements of 'the end' have proved premature, it seems prudent to be less hasty in equating transformation with annihilation. Contemporary challenges to the authority of values such as linearity, continuity and homogeneity from discourses emphasizing relativity, rupture and discontinuity have fundamentally affected the legitimation of the political field. In the process, the profound and often neglected links between politics and time and space has been thrown into relief. Situating the camera in this scene is critical insofar as camera technologies have themselves generated new spatio-temporal experiences crucial to the political force lines of modernity and postmodernity. Today, our task is to reckon with a novel horizon in which 'direct' and 'indirect' perceptions gravitate towards a radical interchangeability in everyday life. This condition undermines the presumption of spatio-temporal continuity which founded the Cartesian-Newtonian universe, and orchestrates a new distribution of bodies, gazes and identities as the frame of contemporary subjectivity. If the front line of every war zone has the potential to cross every living room as a present event, it is the terms of this Tnew world orderU that we need to understand. *** Scott McQure is the author of Visions of Modernity (Sage), from which this essay is extracted. 1 Marx, K. Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy (trans. M.JNicolaus), London, Allen Lane/NLR, 1973, p. 539. 2 Marinetti, F.T. The Founding and Manifesto of Futurism 1909 reprinted in Apollonio, U. (ed.) Futurist Manifestos, p. 22. Marinetti also considered TDynamismU as the name for the movement. 3 Louis Bleriot was the first pilot to fly the English Channel in 1909, an act whose full strategic implications were scarcely appreciated until 1940. Charles Lindbergh made his thirty-three and a half hour trans-Atlantic flight in 1927, a feat acclaimed in a manner unrivalled until the Apollo moon landings. 4 Robinson, R, Gallagher, J. & Denny, A. Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism, London, MacMillan, 1972, p.J3. 5 Although the Tfreedom to driveU has never been codified, it clearly resembles the successive doctrines concerning the freedom of the seas, freedom of the skies and freedom of space which have been integral to the geopolitical order of capitalism. 6 Virilio, P. TThe Last VehicleU in Kamper, D. & Wulf, C. (eds.) Looking Back At The End Of The World, (trans. D Antal), New York, Semiotext(e), 1989, pp.J106-119. 7 McLuhan, M. Understanding Media, p. 11, pp. 12-13. 8 Arthur C. Clarke discussed the possibilities of geostationary orbit and the communications potential of satellites (now known as Tthe Clarke belt) in his 1946 paper Extra-Terrestrial Relays. Television link-ups to all five continents via satellite occurred in 1964, the year that McLuhanUs Understanding Media was published. 9 See Gomery, D. Towards an Economic History of Cinema: The Coming of Sound to Hollywood in Heath, S. & De Lauretis, T. (eds.) The Cinematic Apparatus, p. 44. 10 The cine-train was equipped as a mobile film studio, processing plant and cinema. It made six expeditions into the Ukraine and Caucasus between 1932-33, producing some seventy short films. The aim was to use the experience of seeing oneUs own community represented on film to generate feelings of collective goodwill and national fervour. See Crofts, S. & Enzensberger, M. Medvedkin: Investigation of a Citizen Above Suspicion, Screen vol. 19, no. 1 (Spring 1978) pp. 71-89. See also the films The Train Rolls On (SLON Collective, 1971) and Chris MarkerUs The Last Bolshevik (1993). 11 See Kracauer, S. From Caligari To Hitler, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1974, pp. 276-277. 12 See Virilio, P. The Lost Dimension, p. 124. 13 Although there had been experimental broadcasts since the 1920s, television did not gain sizeable audiences until after the second world war. The direct relation between the rise of television and the decline of cinematic newsreel and news-related programs can be seen in the demise of the major US productions: The March of Time and This is America ceased in 1951, Path News in 1956, Paramount News in 1957, Fox-Movietone News in 1963, MGM News of the Day and Universal News in 1967. 14 Heidegger, M. 'The Thing', Poetry, Language, Thought, p.J165. 15 See Heidegger, M. On Time and Being (trans. J. Stambaugh), New York, Harper and Row, 1972, p. 15. 16 For Benjamin, cult value belonged to the myth-laden sacred world: 'The definition of aura as a unique phenomenon of a distance however close it may be represents nothing but the formulation of the cult value of the work of art in categories of space and time perception. ... The essentially distant object is the unapproachable one. Unapproachability is indeed a major quality of the cult image'. Illuminations, p. 245, pp.J224-228. In contrast, he argues that the camera is characterized by the dominance of exhibition value: its images exist to be seen, and this fact instils them with new political possibilities. 17 This point is complicated, insofar as Benjamin did not subscribe to the thesis, most commonly attributed to Max Weber, equating post-Enlightenment modernization with the process of 'disenchantment'. Rather, Benjamin understood the rise of commodity culture in the nineteenth century as the imposition of a new mode of enchantment. He posited the historic role of the camera as its ability to 'awaken' the masses from their commodity-induced slumber. 18 For Debord: 'The spectacle is not a collection of images, but a social relation among people, mediated by images'. Society of the Spectacle, paragraph 6. 19 See Society of the Spectacle, especially chapters 6-7. It is worth comparing Debord's text with Heidegger's analysis of the 'ground plan' of science. See 'The Geometric Universe' above. 20 The first full disc colour photographs of the earth taken from Apollo 17 in December, 1972 represented a new threshold of the Copernican revolution P a previously unattainable perspective became visible to all eyes. 21 One scientist involved in this research, Jean-Pierre Changeaux, argues: 'It is not utopian one day to think we will be able to see the image of a mental object appearing on a computer screen'. Quoted in Virilio, P. The Lost Dimension, p.114. --- # distributed via nettime-l : no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a closed moderated mailinglist for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: [email protected] and "info nettime-l" in the msg body # URL: http://www.desk.nl/~nettime/ contact: [email protected]