Menno Grootveld on Mon, 24 May 1999 15:16:07 +0200 (CEST) |
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<nettime> Interview with Tove Skuttnab-Kangas |
Three weeks ago a hearing was held in The Hague about violations of article 9 of the People's Communication Charter. This charter, which is based upon the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, deals with issues like freedom of information, access to the media and protection of the individual against aggressive media practices. Article 9 states that 'people should have the right to information in their own mother tongue'. Five cases of language discrimination were presented to a panel of five international judges, presided by the Norvegian academician Tove Skuttnab-Kangas. The following interview with her was conducted immediately after the last session. In these three, or actually two, days of hearings five cases were presented to the judges. What was your general impression? All the witnesses and experts were extremely well prepared for what they did. They were very knowledgeable and is was easy to see that all of them were engaged in not only documenting human rights violations as they were doing here, but also doing something about them. Could you say something about the way that you operated? How did you handle these cases? We had a lot of background information in terms of dossiers which we received before coming here. All of us know quite a lot about international law and language rights and education and communication rights, so all of us tried to both read the dossiers and to read more about each case and talk to people in advance. And also think of what kind of criteria to use in order to judge apppropiately. Do you think that the oral testimony of these witnesses made a big difference? Did they really add something to what you already knew from these written documents? Obviously they added a human aspect, which would not have been there in the same way as if we had not heard them. It is also fairly clear that all the judges were not experts in all the cases, so in some of the cases where one knew less it was very important to be able to ask further questions and to hear in what way the witnesses and experts put the cases forward. Did you ever meet the other judges before? Only one of them. So was it difficult to work, the five of you, without any previous meetings or whatsoever? No, I don't think that it was. Partly because we are not youngsters anymore, and all of us are used to working with the most diverse groups of people, and all of us are very multidisciplinary. And, in addition to a common core of knowledge and interest, we had various types of expertise. It was very good to be able to try to combine those various types. Some people knew more about some areas or were for instance more involved in international law, some were more involved in other aspects. So I think that the combination of judges was excellent. We also represented several languages, all of us are - at least to some extent - multilingual, and we have experience from different parts of the world. So I think that it was an excellent choice. Obviously I can't talk for the others, but I certainly enjoyed working together with the others. What do you think will be the effect of these hearings? I mean, there will be and there were already some recommendations by your panel. Do you think that they will be taken seriously by the respective governments and institutions that they are addressed to? Firstly it depends on how energetic and detailed and specified the follow-up is. Secondly it depends on who the addressees are. And if the addressees are not mainly the governments and states and state representatives, which they are not, but more the civil society and various organisations, which can also do a lot in order to put pessure on the governments, in those cases where it is the government which has to implement linguistic rights, I think that the effort may be fruitful. But it is more through the educational effort and the educational influence on civil society, trying to support civil society in getting more well argued cases, better arguments, more research evidence for doing what they would like to do in order to put pressure on the governments. I take it that you have read all of the PCC-document, the whole charter and not just paragraph nine. Do you think that this concentration on language issues is a good reflection of what the PCC is about? It is one of the important aspects of the PCC, and in general, starting with the language aspect I think is an excellent choice. Partly because after all we communicate to a very large extent through language. Even if we communicate through pictures, visual images and through hearing things and so on, we communicate to a large extent through language. And the importance of language is growing, in terms of getting knowledge, in terms of how power and control in the world are exercized, in terms of ideological persuasion, becoming, in an information society, one of the main means of influencing what happens in the world. And in that sense I think that a concentration on language as a starting point for the hearings that PCC has is a very good choice. Do you think that these five cases that were more or less selected beforehand, represent a fair overview of what the whole issue of language is about in the world? It represents a selection which has quite a lot of points covered on a continuum from the most blatant violations of linguistic human rights to the more sophisticated, but certainly equally effective violations of linguistic rights. So, to give just one example, if you think of the oppression of the Kurdish language in Turkey, which has been implemented through physical means, through physical genocide, torture, imprisonment and so on, and if you then think of how many of the Kurds still speak Kurdish, even if it has been forbidden in Turkey in the constitution since 1924, a lot, the majority of the Kurds still speak Kurdish. If you take on the other hand the Californian case, where there is a question of a much more sophisticated linguistic genocide, via ideological messages and ideological brainwashing, trying to tell the Spanish-speakers and Navajo-speakers that their languages are less worthy and marginalizing it and saying the only important thing is to learn English, and it has to happen at the cost of your mother tongue, in a subjective way, and also via structural means, by not offering the minority languages as the main media of instruction. A much more sophisticated way of violating linguistic human rights. If you think of the third and fourth generation, if you think of those who spoke Spanish in 1924 in the United States, when Kurdish became forbidden in Turkey, if you think of their children and grandchildren and great-grandchildren, fewer of them speak Spanish now in comparison with the Kurds. That means that the more sophisticated means of commiting linguistic genocide are often more efficient than the brutal, blatant means of doing it via physical means as in Turkey. And therefore, since we have cases which are in various places on this continuum, from the most brutal ways of violating linguistic human rights to the more sophisticated ways of violating them, in that sense I see that the cases are representative. Obviously I would have hoped that we could have had at least one indigenous case and that we would have had more cases from outside Europe and the Europeanised countries, for instance that we had had something from India or the Pacific or Latin America, but five cases is very few. So in terms of that I think that they are representative. Some people may think there is a danger in concentrating on these language issues, maybe because there is a fairly thin wall between the language and ethnicity and nationalism and so on. So, for example, to talk about the Kurdish case, one immediately thinks of the PKK and all of that. Do you share that fear, that it may be dangerous to talk too much about language issues? I do not share that fear and I have two main reasons for that. Partly the way you put the question is part of the same 'either or'-thinking, that is one of the ideological messages for instance in the United States - the negative messages. And that participates in the killing of linguistic diversity in the world. In many cases people say: either this language, your mother tongue, or this language, the official language. If you want to learn your mother tongue, then you are not going to learn the official language. Or: if you learn the official language, it has to be at the cost of your own language. To me, most 'either or'-constellations are wrong in the starting point. It is: 'both and'. Likewise there are lots of people who say: you concentrate on language, but it is much more important to talk about the labor market, and the economic and political considerations. To me, again, it is not 'either or', it is 'both and'. Language plays a very important role in economic and political aspects of life, and access, for instance, to the labor market and to political participation. And likewise, when you talk about 'concentrating on language', 'awakening feelings which may lead to nationalism of the negative kind', to me that is also a false constellation. To me it seems that we have to discuss languages and language rights, because linguistic human rights and the granting of them are usually one way of preventing what is then called 'ethnic conflict'. It is very often in cases where linguistic and cultural rights are denied, that language and culture are then used to mobilize people in terms which can be misused by those political forces which are for militant, negative nationalism. So to me granting linguistic human rights is one way of preventing conflict. And denying linguistic human rights is one way of constructing conflict and one way of enabling negative forces to construct conflict and to canalize economic and political conflicts into linguistic and ethnic terms. Would it not be more fruitful to approach it maybe from a slightly different viewpoint? For exampe in terms of biology, like the extinction of species. I mean, if you take languages as species that are threatened by extinction and that need to be preserved one way or another, you may get rid of the sharpest edge. The nationalistic or the ethnic edge, if you know what I mean. Another hat that I have on here, is being the vice-president of Terra Lingua. Terra Lingua is a new international organisation, which wants to partly support linguistic diversity and partly look into the relationship between, on the one hand, linguistic and cultural diversity and, on the other hand, biodiversity. What we know already is that those countries, those areas in the world, which represent biological mega-diversity, which have lots of plants and animals of different kinds, they usually also have a lot of linguistic and cultural diversity. So, if we take the top-25 countries in the world in terms of endemic languages, meaning languages which exist only in those countries, and eighty percent of the world's languages exist in one country only, and then, on the other hand, we take the top-25 mega-biodiversity countries, in terms of flowering plants or vertebrates or various other indicators of a lot of biodiversity, there is a very great overlap between those countries. Sixty-four percent, to be exact, meaning: when you come closer to the equator, then there is mega-diversity and there are also more languages. When you go further away from the equator, usually there is less biodiversity and there are fewer languages. So we know already that there is a fairly strong correlational relationship between biodiversity on the one hand and linguistic and cultural diversity on the other hand. But we also start having mounting evidence for the fact, that this relationship may be not only correlational, but causal. We are talking about co-evolution of humans and their environment. Meaning biodiversity and linguistic and cultural diversity mutually influence each other. And that may mean that if we continue killing linguistic and cultural diversity, killing languages at the pace which we do now, which is much, much faster than what has ever happened in human history, at the same time we are killing the prerequisites for the knowledge that is needed for maintaining biodiversity. And that also means that we are undermining our own future on the planet via killing languages. And the threat to languages in that sense is today much, much greater than the threat to biodiversity. I have written a lot about that, a couple of chapters in my new, very big book, which will be out in November. And if we then try to look at the ways that we had for maintaining linguistic diversity as a prerequisite for the knowledge for maintaining biodiversity, then linguistic human rights, which are part of the PCC, are one possible tool for trying to support linguistic diversity. And, thereby, trying to support any kind of future existence for our species, humans, on earth. One last question: what impressed you most, these past few days? On the sad side, that there are still so incredibly many basic violations of all kinds of human rights. On the other hand, the fact that there is so much resistance and solidarity, which is serious. People are not going to take it for much longer and people are certainly resisting and re-creating more ways of resisting and feeling solidarity and building networks and trying to change the ills of the world. Okay, thank you very much. Menno Grootveld --- # distributed via nettime-l : no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a closed moderated mailinglist for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: [email protected] and "info nettime-l" in the msg body # URL: http://www.desk.nl/~nettime/ contact: [email protected]